We suggest considering four propositions:

  1. If, on the one side, populism often expresses the popular will to entrust “strongmen” with power, which could lead to the rise of latent authoritarian temptations, on the other side it also expresses the popular will for a more participatory democracy, which current forms of representative democracy do not seem able to provide \cite{tarchi2004} . Therefore, the first proposition is to complement representative democracy with other methods of political participation. Deliberative democracy, in its various forms, seems the obvious answer to respond to the populist challenge. However, it has so far remained an academic exercise with very limited applications. It is vital that new forms of consultation with citizens are introduced and that elected officers seriously engage with them.
  2. The second proposition is a radical change in the attitude of elites, especially in their capacity for delivering public policies and services. The top-down approach is dead, but the attempt to give fake responses just to please the crowds is equally useless. A genuine involvement of citizens in public policies is needed, with an effort to be more transparent about policy options. Without sincere attempts to respond to the criticisms and concerns of citizens, it is unlikely that the populist wave will ever retreat.
  3. The third proposition focuses on the need to introduce serious welfare and job creation programs. These programs should have been at the very core of any democratic country and it is surprising that so little innovation has been carried out in the last forty years. In consolidated democracies, it is always argued that there is no budget to finance these programs and high public debt is often considered an insurmountable obstacle. This logic needs to be rejected, especially when, in many countries, military expenditures are on the rise.
  4. The fourth proposition concerns economic globalization, which is, more and more, a ticking bomb in our societies. Trade flows, financial flows, and foreign direct investment have grown exponentially over the last 40 years, while the development of political institutions which should govern them has been almost non-existent at the world level. Small improvements have been carried out at the regional level and in Europe in particular. But political integration, at the regional or even global level, has not successfully addressed the unbearable inequalities and uncertainties created by economic globalization. Not surprisingly, dominant groups have managed to appropriate most of the benefits, leaving nothing to marginal groups. National political institutions should therefore adopt explicit policies to redistribute these benefits but also to provide visible and legible institutional responses. Direct forms of participation in world politics should be attempted, also as a way to address the global democratic deficit.