In the GCC region there is an increase interest to identify guideline and design tools for neighborhoods to promote a more sustainable built environment in the region. the town was organized into compact residential quarters or "Fareej", structured along tribal and ethnic affinities each containing local mosques, small retail areas and accessed through narrow shaded lanes. perhaps the most obvious characteristics of the town was its fine grain of one and two story buildings and the noticeable absence of open public space , especially no green public space . the locus of space was be found in the inner courtyards of private dwellings.the research in the context of Doha ,  Qatar First section , the development of  the urban settlement in relation to Laws  and dission making process . it  presents a historical overview of the urban evolution of the neighborhoods   as an atom of the city system in Doha and the start formation of  its ferjan or early neighborhoods . also providing a detailed   analysis to the spatial  characteristics of the fareej.  Discussion  of the present urban conditions of the neighborhoods  is attempted to emphasize the research problem where the spatial characteristics  do not reflect socio-cultural  aspects .    

Introduction:

there is a increase interest in studying socio-cultural aspects affect in neighborhood design especially in the GCC region. hence, the GCC region has a unique socio-cultural component that is essential when addressing neighborhood design. therefore , it is curatorial to involve residence experience and subjective well being as indicators to guide neighborhood development. In the literature there is a lot of studies that highlight that traditional neighborhood can provide a set of guidelines that are most suitable for the GCC context when compared to the western approach of neighborhood design \cite{Fatani_2017}. the application of the western neighborhood design guidlines is considered the reason for the failure of contemporary neighborhoods \cite{Fatani_2017}.
According to Adham (2008), Al-Bidaa was  developed from  eight urban settlements along the sea  shore responding to the need for land distribution among tribes and the  allocation of water sources. This is  considered the first phase of neighborhood development in Doha, which is called  fereej (plural: ferjan) in the local language (Jaidah and  Bourennane, 2009). Later, after World War I, Al-Bidaa was renamed Doha and  announced as the capital city of the state of Qatar shortly after independence  through an agreement between Sheikh Mohamed Bin Thani, the ruler, and the  British generals at that time (Wiedmann et. al., 2012).     During the second half of the  twentieth century, Doha underwent a great wave of urbanization that resulted  from the economic flourishing of oil discovery (Elsheshtawy, 2011). In 1974,  the first master plan of Doha was developed  by foreign urban planners who transformed its dense, organic urban fabric into  a ring-planned pattern (Salama and Wiedmann, 2012). Doha was developed into several zones that are defined by a network of linear roads and  ring roads (Figure XX). According to Lockerbie (2016), the physical planning of  Doha was based on the traditional system  of majlis al-shura (consultative council) in which western-style ministries were established to  control the urban development of the city. The planning process of Doha was the  province of the Ministry of Public Works at that time (Lockerbie, 2016). In  light of this, the morphological formation of Doha can be envisaged as follows:  street network, zones, and neighborhoods. According to Qatar Atlas (2010), the  municipality of Doha has 58 zones. Each zone has a number of neighborhoods  that are not solidly defined in the  administrative setup of Doha (Qatar Atlas, 2010).  

Historical Overview

The city of Doha was formed during the eighteenth century under  the name of Al-Bidaa, when the Al-Thani  tribe moved from central Arabia to settle on the eastern coast of Qatar  peninsula in 1847 (Elsheshtawy, 2011). They founded the first urban settlement  along the sea shore at the location of an old fishing village (Adham, 2008).  According to Wiedmann et. al. (2012), the choice of location was based on the privileged shape of the sea  shore, which was believed to protect the settlement from sea attacks. Also it is noted that the presence of the water  source of Wadi Musherieb (Musherieb Valley) has helped Doha’s center to  evolve linearly along the Wadi, being based mainly on trading activities  (Qawasmeh, 2013) (Figure XX). This has  resulted in the development of Souq Waqif(market), which is considered today as  a historical value to Qatar’s heritage (Jaidah and Bourennane, 2009).         During the first decades of the  twentieth century, Al-Bidaa witnessed a notable increase in the number of its  population due to the flourishing pearl trade at that time. Before oil  discovery in 1939, Doha was a fishing village where houses were built based on  the inherited knowledge of the local population using local building materials  (Wiedmann et. al., 2014). Houses of one family were grouped together forming  residential neighborhoods. In these neighborhoods,  houses were built in close proximity to each other, usually wall on wall, due to their strong social affiliation  (Wiedmann et. al., 2012). Housing agglomerations were created organically  around Wadi Musherieb and the Souq Waqif area.    During the first half of the twentieth century,  the population of Doha consisted mainly of Al-Thani tribe in addition to groups  of Persian immigrants, who were mainly engaged in boat construction and pearl  trading. As pointed out by Adham (2008), each social group was segregated in specific areas in which the  harbor, souq, and mosque used to be the main gathering places of all Doha’s  population. These were the main urban elements that neighborhoods (ferjan) in Doha developed around. Namely,  it can be comprehended from the review  that neighborhoods in Doha have developed  essentially from the agglomeration of  housing units around core areas including the mosque and the souq (Jaidah and  Bourennane, 2009). That said, commercial  and socio-religious traditions have controlled the development of the physical  environment of Doha giving it a unique urban character (Eissa et. al., 2015).  Unlike the case of other cities all over the world, the development of Doha’s  neighborhoods during the oil urbanization stage was a direct reflection of rigid public control and planning based on  imported urban development concepts from the West (Wiedmann et. al., 2014).

Doha planning 

Planning, as a Western concept relating to  national or strategic physical planning, began in Qatar at the beginning of the  nineteen seventies. Following discussions between the British Embassy and  representatives of the State, the planning company of Llewelyn-Davies, Weeks, Forestier-Walker  and Bor was invited to send a team to begin the process of developing a plan  for the State. The plan was intended to be strategic and produce goals,  objectives and standards that would enable the State to move forward within a  sensible and sensitive framework for decision making.     Effectively,  there had been physical planning of a sort, but it was directed and carried out  from the Ministry of Public Works, its planning being based upon rationalising  a road structure – together with drainage and sewerage – that would facilitate  the development of the country along the perceived needs of the  nineteen-sixties. The Ministry of Electricity and Water were planning in a  similar way, with a degree of coordination between them and the Ministry of  Public Works, but one that was difficult to integrate fully due to the lack of  an overall plan as well as the different strategies employed by the different  ministries. But the Ministry of Municipal Affairs, who were responsible for  building regulations, wished to enlarge the scope of their interests to  encompass planning throughout the country, and this they did with the  introduction of the Llewelyn-Davies consultancy.    Planning intent for developing the New District  of Doha had been established by 1975 under the aegis of the Diwan al-Amiri and  a Structure Plan published in 1977. But, with the progress of works on site and  increasing revenue to the State from its oil and gas resources, it was  envisaged that the NDOD would need to increase in area if it were to be able to  contain a percentage of the increasing population foreseen, particularly  nationals.         While  not replicating the old feriq system, it was understood to be an opportunity  for bringing nationals together within a planned system enabling or at least  providing a capability for the retention or development of their traditional  socio-cultural characteristics.         The strategies of diversification of the  country’s economic base and the improvement to living and working conditions  were generating increasing activity, resulting in rapid population growth  particularly, and obviously, by the expatriates introduced to the peninsula. It  was also a fact that major investments had been made in site preparation,  infrastructure development and the initial building projects in Greater Doha  where, it being believed, that the majority – between 80% and 90% – of the  population expansion would need to be located.         As a result of these strategies the development  for the NDOD was moved forward and planning for the area updated. The Structure  Plan shown here was published in September 1981 and illustrates how the  planning had developed in the six years since the first plan for the area had  been produced.         Although in this plan it appears that the NDOD  was considered without regard to the rest of Doha, the interface with Doha was,  in fact, studied and the road connections and land uses carefully integrated.  Particular thought was given to the contours at the south-western interface  between the existing town and the NDOD. Development can be seen to move north  as far as Qatar University, but a deliberate policy to retain its physical  separation was effected by the introduction of a large landscaped park to its  south and east. Development to the west was constrained by Medinat Khalifa and,  as had been the case with the original plan, the conurbation of al-Markhiya was  retained with its existing character.          

Doha current Urban Development    

In the present time, Doha is being  restructured from internally-integrated  wholes to a collection of units which  operate as nodes on regional economic networks (Elsheshtawy, 2011). Doha’s  traditional core (the downtown area) is being blended into a network of centers  forming a multi-tier system with complex relationships that keeps the city from  disintegrating (Wiedmann et. al., 2014). It is  noted that forces of globalization have major impacts on Doha’s urban  environment, affecting both the socio-cultural and physical aspects of the city  (Furlan, 2016). With the emergence of a global culture, the neighbourhood physical experiences and feelings within the urban  environment in Doha are being radically altered (Elsheshtawy,  2011). This is  also affecting the social construction of local identities in Doha which poses  a challenge to the general quality of neighborhoods  . Therefore, it was suggested that  aspects of urban quality in neighbourhood  could be assessed and fostered in order to  guarantee a well-functioning neighbourhood  structure , leading to a high quality of  urban life.[es1]         Doha is developed into several  fragmented “state of the art” mega projects and ongoing developing  infrastructure network (Rizzo, 2014) (fig-XX).   However, fragmentation has led to several negative Impacts as increased trip generation, traffic congestions,  carbon emissions, air pollution levels. The development  strategy is focusing on the project qualities as in the building unit more that  the urban setting. (Salama and Wiedmann, 2013). This segregation led to a fragmented urban structure in the city.  The rapid growth of the Doha is raising the issue of the level of urban  sustainability in of the current neighbourhood  development, which has generated this research focus.  Doha as an emerging city  with its ambitious vision of Qatar 2030 can harness its growth to model  sustainability and resiliency not only at the building scale but also an urban  scale.        

Doha  Neighbourhood unit

  Doha’s  recent rapid evolution lacks the unity and social capital provided by the  traditional urban neighbourhood (Fareej)(Jaidah and  Bourennane, 2009).. the current neighbourhood realization process is established with real estate policy and  profit based mechanism  . there  is lack of urban code and available  regulations are regulating urban projects as mega project lacking over all city urban strategy. As pointed out by  Wiedmann et. al. (2012[es3] ), the existing neighborhoods of Doha are nothing but a “monotonous  suburban residential areas that are characterized by gated houses and streets,  resulting in a severe lack of a sense of community and the deserted urban  environment”.    The neighborhood transformation can be divided into  three phases .

Fareej

Phase 1 :Organic neighborhood (Fareej) (original Doha)    This phase was the starting point of  the settlement .Jaidah (2009) within the  book of the Qatari architecture history emphasizes that the locality was founded on the "agglomeration" of  the accommodation unit (courtyard house) forming the Fareej, not just a physical city unit but as well as  socio‐cultural component. Clustered family Realm, the fereej, has beautiful and generous‐sized residences that have  accessibility to the entire services and facilities. The objective is to  reinstate a sense of society, enhance the surroundings and improve the economy  through developing a secure, well‐served and flourishing center with shops,  schools, small industries, mosques, health services, and community spaces, all  in a simple walking distance of the place persons exist. The fareej as a settlement unit is  considered a complex system with different spatial, cultural, social and  economic layers. The basic unit of this system is considered the courtyard  houses with it complex system serving the environmental, spatial and social  aspects.  Which  will be futher studied in this paper.

Compound  

Phase 2: public housing (modernizing  Doha)Instead of acknowledging the  conventional way, Doha swiftly rising suburbs appear to be molded on western  suburban types. These residences are set  within a section, not different    from that of an American urban –  even the range is comparable (even though the lots appear to be lesser). similar‐ scale contrast of the design of this  section with the conventional plan ofDoha  and an American town. The new expansion shows several of the features of the  American suburban form, as well as sole  family lots and a region subsequent to  the thoroughfare kept for commercial  utilize. It is situated from the key  thoroughfare north of the circumferential  street and is projected for affluent  families having cars.

Mega project 

Phase 3: Mega project phase     The office structures that are  single foot printed make up the latest expansion  in the surrounding of the West Bay. The offices  are arranged in scenery of a single‐use office park in memory of the single‐  housing section of the America. There exists a new form that occurs in the urban  regions  within the existing developed areas. After the real estate law in 2004 hotels  and huge apartments were realized to have  substituted small scale homes. Several  important buildings  are already found intruding within  places like the suitably‐scaled environments. In Mishareb district, within just  a night, there lots of close vintage urban buildings that have been  market by   a certain local developer with an  intention of introducing the latest inner city growth.       

Fareej  "Traditional neighborhood"

Fareej Style

Doha dowtown

fascinating effort to create an experimental community called "heart of Doha" or Musheireb doha city which is meant to represent the best of sustainable living in the region has to offer. considered as an urban regeneration project the fact that older urban fabric has tottally torn up has raised  eyebrows in some sustainability circles, for  even if new residences or shops are built to replace the old ones, they will neither have the same feel nor exactly the same!socio-economic clientele. But as the project is to renew the downtown area and attract locals!as!well!as!expatriates,some population displacement was inevitable. It!also speaks to what we mean by the past. We were told  that every existing building on the site has been documented before it was demolished so that there will be a historical record of what used to be there and the people who once lived at the site will be given priority among the locals invited to return and live in the new development. Heart of Doha is not being developed as an investment per (and therefore not  driven purely by profit) but as a model for urban living. Its principle stakeholder is the Qatar Foundation, chaired by  HH!Sheikha Mozah. It’s not an economical development   according to conventional notions, but it is hoped that people will see it as a long-term   investment. In that way, perhaps, it will be immune to profit-driven development that   has plagued the Gulf. It is envisioned as a mix-use neighborhood in order to overcome the problems of   single-use areas adumbrated above. The urban fabric will be fairly dense to maximize   shade, with buildings oriented to the direction of the sun and wind to minimize heat and glare and maximize air circulation. Building heights will be kept to five or six stories, the few exceptions being on the northeastern periphery and away from the corniche (so as   not to obstruct the view of the sea), thus keeping the scale relatively small and intimate. The approach was described as “medium development rather than mega-development.” Many of the buildings will have interior courtyards for privacy. There will be a mix of  apartments and luxury townhouses, the latter constructed with proper Majlis and   separate men and women entrances from the street.

Neighborhood  in Abu Dhabi     

The Abu Dhabi Plan 2030 adopted some  type of ‘Traditional Neighborhood Development’ planning trend by calling for  the return of the courtyard house design and the Fareej (the traditional  neighborhood in UAE) (ADUPC 2010). The design should also achieve higher  densities in and around the central area of the neighborhood and adjacent to  the higher amenity areas such as public parks.    the ADUPC is  the central authority that is    responsible for  putting regulations/guidelines  for all new urban development projects    within Emirate of Abu Dhabi. Besides  ADUPC, there are other authorities which    issued the  form-related regulations and guidelines such as ADM and Department of    Transport  (DoT).    The Urban  Structure Framework Plan is a conceptual document that displays    different urban  development themes and directions related to Abu Dhabi Vision 2030.    It steers the  urban development of Abu Dhabi towards various concepts including    sustainability, excellence, livability  and connectivity (ADUPC, 2007).    The Unified  Executive Regulations for Law No. (4) 1983 for Organizing the    Construction  Work in Emirate of Abu Dhabi include the administrative, architectural    and technical regulations  and standards. Neighborhood Planning (NP) was developed    by ADUPC putting up a depiction for  a traditional neighborhood design represented in fareej (ADUPC-2, 2010).    Basically, a block is the  smallest area of a neighborhood that is surrounded by    streets  (ADUPC-1, 2012). Plan Abu Dhabi 2030 puts forward a vision for the Emirati    neighborhood which is formed by several  residential blocks named as fareej. The    proposed  dimension of each block is 240 m x 240 m. Accordingly, Neighborhood    Planning  introduces a typical Emirati neighborhood  that comprises of fareej    (residential  block), courtyard houses, baraha and sikka (ADUPC, 2007; ADUPC-2,    2010) (Table 1).    The  main elements in a neighborhood (Source: ADUPC-2,  2010).The adoption  of sikka is considered an effective  strategy for increasing  walkability and street  connectivity in which they provide  direct access for all residents to different  community facilities including transit  stops, retail  centers, mosques  and schools (ADUPC-1, 2012). Practically, the fareej style was adopted  in designing some of the Emirati housing developments in Abu Dhabi including Yas Island (phase 1). (ADUPC, 2011; ADUPC-2, 2010).

Conclusion:

Principles and dimensions of the  built environment   
1.      Physical  environment dimensions    The sequence of spaces, mosque, souq. Palace and private home. The city of  the past was built within a scope of very simple principles that are required  to understand the gradual transformation of the urban pattern.     This urban pattern objective is social integration and provision of  residence needs.
2.      Social and economic  values
Factors that affected neighborhood development    
1.      Individual  houses (buildings) form typology   
2.      The  construction manner    
3.      Climate  adaptation   
4.      Material  and resources  
  5.      Socio-cultural  privacy levels
6.      Community  integration   
The growth of  the collective form of housing arise from  the extension and subdivision of inherited properties which creates an  intensification of land-use.(Mortada,2003 ;  Al Rostomani ,1993). Major forces in shaping  urban centers and residential quarters are natural  environment and urban environment. The urban function were mixed use driven by  social integration (Mortada,2003). The social mix was a major intensive of  urban development where all individuals were allowed to use public spacaes.     Qatari cities were formed not only by urban and architecture planning but  also, by the social dimensions. Al- Rostamani(1993) states that Doha consists  of nine neighborhoods (ferjan). Integration between public and private realms.
Rethinking Doha urbanism    Generating sustainable form-based urban design strategies for an  integrated neighborhood development. Retrofitting existing neighborhoods to emphasize  sustainability. Which form-based urban design strategies deliver social,  environmental and economic coherence in Doha neighborhood.    Urban  retrofitting has emerged as a crucial factor for bringing about a radical  change, an accepted  and consolidated  methodology for refurbishing the existing building stock is still lacking. In  addition an operational methodology for the optimization of the retrofitting process is needed.